Neither a Jubilee - Nor a Decade of Sustainability…A Reflection of Our Beloved Liberia

By Artemus W. Gaye, PhD

The Perspective
Atlanta, Georgia
January 22, 2015



On December 24, 2014, Africa oldest independent nation, Liberia marked the 25th anniversary (barely noticed or observed) of the bloody Liberian civil mayhem, culminating in death and destruction of nearly 250 thousand lives, more than a million displaced, and over a billion dollars in infrastructural damages. The anarchy by all accounts was a violent and senseless war breaking every convention of just war ethics or principles. The war can be divided as such: “The First Liberia Civil War” (1989 until 1997) and “The Second Liberian Civil War” (1999 and October 2003).

Chronologically, the pandemonium began when the Samuel Doe led military turned civilian dictatorship was routed in a popular uprising; replaced by several interim governments; followed by a UN sponsored elections won by Charles Taylor in spite of his shortcomings; forced to relinquish power by insurgencies and UN embargo; replaced by an interim government; finally a cause celebre when Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf was elected but with a dismal result after ten years and  two circles of presidential and legislative elections. 

What has the nation of Liberia achieved thus far and where is it headed beyond the next two years of Madam Sirleaf’s presidency? This reflection is an intersubjective analysis based on consensus from leading stakeholders of Liberia.

Firstly, no one could offer a far better evaluation of Liberia’s performance than the UN and its leading partners. Since sympathizers or hardliners of the UP led Government may consider a critique as opposition ranting, I will begin with the UN’s report on Liberia within the past 12 months. Specifically, I shall rely on Karin Landgren, the UN Special Representative to the Secretary General, who in 2014 was responsible for UNMIL’s 9000 staff (including troops, police and civilians) in 30 locations throughout Liberia, with a budget under USD 500 million.


She emphatically emphasized the need for implementing the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s (TRC) recommendations, highlighting its importance for “achieving justice, reconciliation and continued economic, social and political rehabilitation of Liberia.” She perceived the TRC report as a Strategic Roadmap for National Healing, Peacebuilding and Reconciliation, and the Agenda for Transformation. Unfortunately, these related reforms continued to be ignored. In her critique of the justice system of Liberia, she writes: “Even though the delivery of justice is not about physical structures, confidence in the quality of justice to be obtained by a prospective user of the service may be affected adversely by the absence of decent court structures.” Landgren emphatically observed the longstanding deficiencies within the judicial system and security sector, as well as insufficient efforts to address official corruption, which continued to undermine development and human rights in Liberia. In spite of dismissal of a number of high-ranking government officials accused of corruption, her [Madam Sirleaf] government, as in past years, has failed to pursue investigations into the alleged crimes, thereby undermining transparency and accountability efforts. Reflectively, the firing of John Morlu, the head of the GAC, doomed the Sirleaf led Government and forever stained her character as being complacent and abetting in corruption in Liberia, a legacy she has to live with. In response to President Sirleaf’s interview with FrontPage Africa (FPA) on October 1, 2011 on why (he) Morlu was fired, Morlu responded:

Our differences are mainly professional disagreements on how to win the war on corruption. The President wanted a non-public and tolerating approach to the war on corruption. As a certified fraud examiner, I felt that the best way to fight corruption was to publicly name and shame persons engaged in them, in line with Section 37 (6) of the Public Finance Management (PFM) Act, 2009 and Section 53.7 of the Executive Law of 1972.  Section 37(6) of the PFM Act states “The Auditor General shall publish the audit report in the Official Gazette and make it available to the Legislature and the public within one month of the completion of said audit report.”
Section 53.7 of the Executive Law of 1972 mandates the Auditor General “to call to attention in audit reports:
(a) Any officer or employee who has willfully or negligently failed to collect or receive monies belonging to the Government.
(b) Any public monies not duly accounted for and paid into an authorized depository
(c) Any appropriation that was exceeded or applied to an account
(d) Any deficiency or loss through the fraud, default, or mistake of any person; and
(e) Inadequate or ineffective internal control of public monies and assets.

When appropriate, the report shall also include recommendations for executive action or legislation deemed necessary to improve the receipt, custody, accounting and disbursement or public monies and other assets. So I did exactly mandated by the law; nothing less, nothing more. The law is the law and must be followed to the letter for the good of the government and the people of Liberia.


However, president Sirleaf’s preferred replacement, Mr. Robert Kilby, whose appointed on September 3, 2012 was based on “political patronage”, lost his job on July 8, 2013 barely a year on the job. Moses Sandy writes: President Sirleaf, who in August 2012 boasted of Mr. Kilby’s integrity, expertise, and work experience, was constrained to chew her words. She declared “After review of documentary evidence over the weekend, I am today formally requesting the concurrence of the Honorable Legislature to dismiss the Auditor General, Robert Kilby, for failure to disclose private business activities that represent a clear conflict of interest with his official duties as head of the institution with prime responsibility to investigate and advise on non-compliance with our public financial management and procurement laws.

Robert Kilby, who came to the limelight when he was first nominated in August 2011 but rejected by the legislative branch because of issues surrounding his credential (though faultily examined by the legislatures), was once again renominated and confirmed by lawmakers, as alleged—kickbacks from the Executive Branch. Under Kilby’s reign, not a single audit was done, as compared to 27 audits done by Morlu. Yet, Mr. Kilby spent over $6million in his short stint at the GAC, funds unaccounted for to this date.

Moreover, in concurrence with the UN, Human Rights Watch 2014 report on Liberia, warned of persistent weaknesses in the judiciary system, undermining the access to justice and due process. It decried the prolonged pretrial detention as prevalent; fair and speedy trials being very rare. Sadly, the judiciary could only complete a small number of cases every year. Worst of all, poor management of the judiciary and corrupt practices by judges, jurors, ministry administrators, and others are severely undermining the dispensation of justice. Clearly, the disgraceful exit of former AG Christina Tah was directly the doing of the president, demanding that her son, Fumba Sirleaf, the director of NSA be investigated outside of the AG’s office by a commission for alleged embezzlement. Minister Tah writes,
I cannot be the Minister of Justice and not supervise the operations of the security agencies under the Ministry of Justice… What is the 'rule of law' if the president asserts that she does not trust the Ministry of Justice to independently investigate allegations of fraud against the National Security Agency?

Ironically, Tah’s predecessor, now Associate Justice Phillip Banks of the Supreme Court, departed the AG’s position with allegation of controversial $500,000 cash seized from a Nigerian business man. FPA was very vocal on this shady transaction that in essence, was a complete embarrassment and lack of transparency on the part of the Liberian Government. However, we must recognize Madam Jewell Howard Taylor for vociferously raising this controversial “financial sharking” by the Ministry of Justice, in its claims that said money was used to help revamp the flaccid security sector.


Ms. Landgren also commented on issues of economic empowerment and poverty reduction, the National Palaver Hut Program, the Whistle Blower Act of 2012, decentralization of political and economic power, constitutional review, justice sector reform, police reform, promotion of good governance and the rule of law, and  the establishment of the Independent National Commission on Human Rights as areas that the government need to have the political will to implement if the nation is to move from fragility to full stability. While the Executive has reluctantly setup some of these commissions, ethically, there has been a complete lack of political will by the three branches of government to proactively bring these essential reforms into reality for almost a decade. This failure on the part of the government undermines the fragile democracy with potential of derailing the minuscule gains of Liberia, mainly brought about by the international community. This view is well attested by a UN Envoy, Allan Doss who states that “Without the rule of law, social and economic development cannot be accomplished,” reminding Liberians that the “rule of law is the firmest pillar of good government.”

For example, since the ascendency of Madam Sirleaf in 2005, she signed executive order no. 20, forming a geriatric commission known as the Governance Reform Commission, headed by Dr. Amos Sawyer and his longtime colleagues, tasked with governance reform policies but not a single recommendation has been considered especially with the pressing reality of a nation that experienced a decade of bloodletting because of the unjust concentration of power in the hands of a few. Ironically, it was Dr. Sawyer who headed the 1984 Constitution Commission, which in my view, sought to seriously redress gross governance failures, brought about in part by exclusionary politics coupled with excessive executive powers and over-centralization. Unfortunately, the military junta rejected the 1984 Constitution Commission’s proposals, which included a system of local self-governance in the counties and a reduction of executive powers.

Nevertheless, after 14 years of civil war, and followed by Madam Sirleaf at the nation’s helm of power for a decade, one would hope that these pressing reforms would be central and foremost to post-conflict Liberia. Unfortunately, this has been the most aggravating pretension or hypocrisy on the part of the Liberian Government. The Governance Reform Commission led a national consultation on decentralization across the country, resulting in a guideline document entitled National Policy on Decentralization and Local Governance (2012), from which a Local Government Act was drafted in 2013. Both the policy and the draft Act bargain for popularly elected local government authorities, with full powers to generate and expend revenues, propagate ordinances, and plan and implement service delivery programs. Yet, why have there been obstacles to such noble proposal. In a paper written by Ibrahim Al-bakri Nyei, he states:

This [Liberian] initiative, though widely hailed as a giant step towards reforming governance shortcomings by Liberian CSOs and by numerous academics and politicians, has unfortunately never been translated into practical action by Monrovia. One reason for this is the current Constitution itself. Article 54(d) thereof empowers the President to ‘nominate and commission superintendents, other county officials and officials of other political sub-divisions’. Such a provision clearly defeats any objectives that could have been intended by the policy and the draft Act, not to mention the fact this has never become law and the Constitution remains supreme in any case. This constitutional obstacle has encouraged the emergence of a clientelist culture, in which corruption and impunity thrive from the corridors of power in Monrovia down through to the counties.

With barely two years of Madam Sirleaf’s tenure left, Liberians are asking themselves, what are the tangible achievements that the three branches of government can claim as concrete gains for the common good of the nation? Could Liberia have stood the test of time without the large presence of the United Nations forces in Liberia and the international financial support including the huge remittances from the Liberian diaspora (totaling more than $1 billion since 2011)? According to a 2012 World Bank report, Liberia ranked the world second highest remittance recipient only to Tajikistan, with its diaspora community sending $378 million to their homeland, a third of Liberia’s GDP in 2012.

Why has the GOL been so reluctant to accept the recommendations from the GRC? Is it because of its unwillingness to allow local government to discern how revenue is generated and spent? In its insensitivity, the GOL ignored one of the pertinent reasons people are demanding decentralization, that is, not just the power to elect their own local officials but also the power to have a fair participation on how revenue collected at the local level is expended for the common good of the people. In other words, it is not just about political power but also equitable economic power. As Nyei points out, based on comparative analysis from the Ghana (1992) and Kenya (2010) Constitutions:

These two [political and economic powers] must go together for local self-government to have any meaningful effect. The Constitution needs to have a clear formula for how questions of economic governance are resolved and in particular for how resources are allocated. For example, which taxes should be levied by the central and which by local, governments? What formulae should be used in making allocations— e.g. whether to use indexes such as population size, level of development, good governance practices, capacity, etc.? These are all questions that must be answered. While the Constitution need not necessarily get into these details, it must at least recognize their necessity at the constitutional level as something which any subsequent secondary legislation must operationalize.

However, we must be mindful as Nyei insists, of the fact that any constitution that recognizes elected local self-government, without clearly and fully delineating the powers of each tier of government and their relationship to one another in all aspects of governance—political and economic— can create a dangerous ambiguity. The end result could lead to the concentration or retention of more powers within the central government and possibly “lead to recentralization of resource collection, allocation and expenditure.” In such a political environment, rearticulating or reconfiguring the power structure requires a national debate led by selfless, skillful, and erudite individuals that understand the philosophy or principles of the common good based on a communitarian worldview of self-interest of all the stakeholders. Despondently, in the current context of Liberian governance structure, the Sirleaf’s led Government continues to fail the Liberian people like the Samuel Doe led Government in the case of the 1984 Constitution, since her hegemony in 2005.

This constitutional amnesia and lethargy by the ruling elites, mainly on the part of the executive and the legislative branches have left well-meaning Liberians in frustration, anxiety, and fear, “knowing that [social, political, and economic] justice delayed is justice denied,” with a ripple effect of plunging a fragile nation into a failed state category.

However, we must commend Elder Bai Gballah, Professor George Kieh, Mr. Emmanuel Weettee, Ms. Robtel Neajai Pailey, Madam Jackie Sayegh, and others for leading the debate on various constitutional issues that are contradictory and archaic to the reality of our time---issues on land use, citizenship, residential clause, libel laws, etc., requiring honest and inclusive debate in order make Liberia more sacrosanct and acceptable to the tenant of universal human rights and other charters that Liberia is a signatory. For example, I strongly concur with my colleague, Professor Peter Spiro’s clarity on global citizenship even from an American perspective. He writes,  
Dual citizenship has never been illegal under U.S. law. The U.S. historically relied on the laws of other countries to police the status. But the rest of the world has moved to embrace dual citizenship to the end of cementing ties to prosperous emigrant populations. The overwhelming majority of new Americans are “ampersand Americans,” retaining not just the sentimental but also the formal tie to their homelands. Acceptance of the status allows the many individuals with multiple national attachments to actuate those identities. In this respect, dual citizenship represents a kind of freedom of association, a form of voluntary affiliation to be protected, not condemned.

Professor Spiro recognizes a changing world order asserting that “the only thing that is constant is [positive] change.” In Liberia, dual citizenship debate is superficial, dogmatic, and a form of zealot sentimentality based on naïveté on the part of anti-dual citizenship camp. On the other hand, proponents have not laid a solid case to adequately address the issues to ordinary Liberians who were not opportune to travel to foreign countries and acquired these new identities. In addition, proponents need to address how Liberians with dual nationalities (like the Cockrum debacle) can be held accountable in Liberia on issues of corruptions and also dealing with the pressing  case of Liberians who may have strong ancestral ties in Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, Guinea, or other African nations, and yet involved in public services. When such person is within the private sector, no one ever asks for his or her status. Furthermore, proponents need to champion the cause for a nation of  4 million to implement a full biometric system for all Liberians and categorically assign social security numbers to every natural born,  naturalized, and others residing in Liberia. This system will also curb ghost payroll, duplications, electoral flaws, and adequately help in budgetary allotment in the nation’s poverty reduction strategy. In spite of the dual-citizenship antagonism, a large number of multi-passport holders are working in the GOL within all the various branches.

Subsequently, does it not make this debate obsolete—more of a talking point than substantive?  Let us look at the constitutional provision based on moral principle and logic, rather than on the basis of raw sentiments and mere opinions. The reality is that the Liberian constitution, in fact guarantees multiple (not just dual citizenship) in its ambiguous article 28 of the 1986 constitution, which reads as follow:

Any person, at least one of whose parents was a citizen of Liberia at the time of the Person’s birth, shall be a citizen of Liberia; provided that any such person shall upon reaching maturity renounce any other citizenship acquired by virtue of one parent being a citizen of another country. No citizen of the Republic shall be deprived of citizenship or nationality except as provided by law; and no person shall be denied the right to change citizenship or nationality.

Let me use a personal case: My 7 Year-old daughter, Athena was born in the USA, while I was Liberian international student in 2007 and now a US permanent resident since 2008. This means that my daughter, by default of me (her father) being a Liberian citizen, is also a Liberian citizen, based on article 28 of the Liberian Constitution. Fact! When Athena turns eighteen, and yet, does not renounce her Liberian citizenship, what becomes of her Liberian citizenship?  The constitution is completely silent on this.  Thus, one can logically conclude that she is a dual citizen (Liberian-America) even though she was born in the USA—Fact!  

Legally and morally, there is no provision in the Liberian Constitution that denies any child born to a Liberian parent in the diaspora of his or her Liberian citizenship even by the matured person’s refusal to renounce either one of her citizenship. So why is this myth of dual citizenship even gaining currency, other than it being a narrow-minded political plow by self-center individuals, inflaming and exploiting a vulnerable population? Let us push this further: What if I (the father of this dual-citizen, Athena) took on an American citizenship—does this mean that I am no longer a Liberian citizen based on article 28? Absolutely not! Who is the custodian of the renunciation document in Liberia to verify my proper citizenship, BIN or NEC? This argument sensibly, is more of a narrow political selective bickering than a constitutional matter.

For example, why did the Liberian Supreme Court overturn a similar provision like the five years residential clause that brought the current regime into power since most of the leading candidates would have been in violation of such constitutional act? Simply, it didn’t make sense for the reality of the country when more than a million were forced to seek refuge in other countries. Henceforth, the national leadership needs to be prudent enough to submit the entire constitution for revision—as a moral imperative for the greater good of the nation in a changing world.

The Liberian citizenship law is based on a 1973 immigration Act which parallels the United States Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, an act restricting primarily immigration to and citizenship in the United States. However, President Truman vetoed the Act because he regarded the bill as “un-American” and “discriminatory” but it was overridden by a very anti-immigrant legislative body at that time in American history. This very Liberian Act, even though never challenged before the Liberian Supreme Court, the American Bar Association regarded it as unconstitutional and inconsistent. On this merit, Liberia’s leadership and citizens ought to focus on the pressing issues of deep national concerns.

Pointedly, the 2014 World Bank report gave a startling reality of our country, which requires every ounce of our attention and action. In its document entitled, Sustaining Human Progress: Reducing Vulnerabilities and Building Resilience, the report provides a fresh perspective on the vulnerability of our country, made even gloomy by the current Ebola crisis. The report claims that the persistent vulnerability of Liberia threatens the country’s human development. And unless it is systematically tackled by policies and social norms, progress will be neither equitable nor sustainable.

In its 2014 Human Development Index (HDI) the World Bank report on Liberia, an index based on an average measurement of basic human development achievements in a country, Liberia ranks 175th out of 187 countries on the list. Like all averages, the HDI masks inequality in the distribution of human development across the population at the country level. It also ranked Liberia on the Gender Inequality Index (GII), gender-based inequalities in three dimensions – reproductive health, empowerment, and economic activity. Sadly, Liberia ranks 143rd out of 149 nations. In my upcoming book, Our Moral Responsibility For Rebuilding Fragile And Failed States: An Imperative For Nation-Building (Oxford University Press, July 2015), Liberia ranks 177th out of the 187 countries listed in  a Nation-Building Index (NBI), a measurement we developed based on Security, Institutions, Infrastructure, Democracy, and Economics  (SIIDE) of a given nation. This is the angst, frustration, disappointment and shame Liberians are expressing across social, political, and religious lines. Mr. Sylvester Moses appropriately expresses this collective pain and fear of the vast population of Liberians. He writes in a FPA response column:

No wonder nine years of theatrics pushed Liberia and the vast majority to begging. While the President and the Supreme Court kicked off the New Year with an anti - Sherman/ Saytuma/ Tomalien melodrama, “the chambers of the House of Reps. turned into circus” on the first day of work. Apparently, the leaders of the three branches of government are putting on shows amusing themselves to distract from initiating critical reforms for meaningful change…

With the latest cacophony on the floor of the lower house on Friday, January 16, 2015, including a fist fight , and NOCAL’s alleged payout (kickback) of $31, 000 to each lawmaker of the 53rd session including other corrupt practices on the part of this body in rectifying an oil block during this EBOLA crisis, how do these so-called lawmakers justify their services to the Liberian people? When Liberian everywhere---from North America, Europe and Australia, and even in Liberia were doing their best to help the nation in addressing the deadly Ebola pandemic, these so-called leaders were pillaging the nations’ resources. NOCAL also shows its lack of ethical standard and negotiation strategy. Why rush or time the market, as if the temporary decline in global oil price will affect the country’s bottom line? As Warren Buffett has noted fittingly, it’s terribly dangerous to continually attempt to time the market:

With a wonderful business, you can figure out what will happen; you can’t figure out when it will happen. You don’t want to focus on when, you want to focus on what. If you're right about what, you don’t have to worry about when…

Tragically and repeatedly, competition for control of revenues from natural resources has fueled cycles of corruption, conflict and poverty, instead of forestalling opportunities to spur economic growth and social development for the people. If these leaders continue with the ‘business-as-usual’ model it could undermine and reverse the hard fought gains of our country.

We can either accept the notion of a cursed nation or begin to seriously reengage all sectors of the Liberian society to recognizing the danger confronting us in the face of blatant insensitivity and callous disrespect for the nation’s resources and its people by the national leadership. The Liberian Government has failed its moral and economic obligation as a responsible custodian of the nation-state to forge a working partnership, in being transparent and accountable. Is this what these plutocrats and unsophisticated goons have to offer the Liberian people in their failed leadership scheme? Does it justify twenty five years of blood, sweat, tears, and destructions of lives, properties, and other resources? How could our national security and healthcare sector fail in their surveillances, when Tekmira, a North American pharmaceutical company, with a $140 million US Department of Defense contract, just few miles from the Liberian borders, began to administer its phase one trial Ebola vaccine known as TKM-Ebola on 16 subjects in Guinea on January 14, 2014, and within two months—March 27, 2014, the entire region collapsed under the weight of the deadly Ebola outbreak? And yet, Oil Block-16 was being sold and money shared between the so-called national political leaders.

It is based on such critical assessment of state failure that we ought to begin forming a sustainable network of caring and active Liberian organizations/associations and individuals beyond socio-political borders to reshape the nation’s agenda being abandoned and stymied by selfish and narrow-minded political leaders and public servants masquerading in the corridors of ill fitted social and political banditry. As well attested, prospects for successful management of natural resources significantly improve when democratic institutions are in place prior to the exploitation of mineral wealth. Unfortunately, these institutions and processes often take longer to develop than the time needed to exploit mineral wealth. The window of opportunity for our country is narrowing and by the time Liberians seriously begin to rethink who they vote in offices for solid democratic reform, vested interests may already be in place, making it more difficult for well-meaning legislators to ensure transparency and accountability. 

This is our moral calling to challenge all aspects of the power structure for lacking the political will for meaningful development over the last decade, after twenty five years of wasted lives and resources. As responsible citizens we know that elections have consequences. We cannot just vote for popularity over performance, because we are a reflection of the political leadership. The right to vote does not end at the ballot box; it requires a continuous engagement with the democratic process. We must not give up the fight for a better Liberia in spite of twenty five years of death, destruction, and a decade of poor governance and corruption in low and high places. Two rules we ought to keep---rule number one, we ought not to give up on Liberia. Rule number two, let us always remember rule number one. Carpe diem!

About The Author:                                                                                                               Artemus W. Gaye, PhD is an adjunct lecturer in Chicago, a consultant, writer, speaker, and president of The Prince Ibrahima and Isabella freedom Foundation, a US based NGO. 


                Please see Ms. Landgren's report:

                John S. Morlu, II., My Response To President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf’s Venom (Op-ed) Oct 14, 2011. See

                Moses D. Sandy, Contributing Writer, The Rise and Fall of Robert Kilby. FrontPage Africa. Thursday, 18 July 2013. See more at:  Also see Kilby’s credential 

                Learsi Aynebil Alis. President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf’s Failed Project to Weaken the Fight against Corruption in Liberia. Atlanta, Georgia August 29, 2013.   


                 Christina Tah. Resignation Letter, October 6, 2014.

                Liberia Justice Minister Denies Wrongdoing Over Seized Nigerian Assets. VOA News. November 2, 2009. Also see

       FPA accessed on  March 25, 2014.

                Ibrahim Al-bakri Nyei, Constitutional reform and the prospects for government decentralization in Liberia. 29 August, 2014 Accessed on 1/15/15.

                World bank Index  Also see The Guardian Newspaper 

                Nyei, pp 2.

                  ULAA on Dual Citizenship Conference.   see B. Gballah

                Peter Spiro. New York Times. July 18, 2012.

                Liberian Constitution, Article 28. 1996



                Front Page Africa. January 14, 2017.

                Daily Observer. Lawmaker Faces Suspension for ‘Fighting’ in Session. January 19, 2015.

                Heritage News. For ratification of Block 16 Oil Contract: Lawmakers bribed over US$3M? December 30, 2014.

                Patrick Morris. Warren Buffett Tells You How to Turn $40 Into $10 Million. January 18, 2014

                Tekmira Ebola Trial Vaccine in Guinea on January 14, 2014.

Sylvester Moses
We say thanks, Dr. Artemus Gaye, for a gripping, well - researched panorama of our political topography. This in the hands of a less matured author will have concluded on a tone of bitterness, or cynicism, or pessimism, or better still, all three. But through his clear lens our leaders are encouraged to seize the moment - “Carpe Diem” - while there is still time. One would suppose that a government receptive to balanced inputs will read, and review this article.

I’ve joined many in advocating for decentralization and dual citizenship in responses to articles, but this take of his has given them the length, breadth and depth I hadn’t wrapped my head around. It informs why the CIC could’ve considered decentralization a ploy by academics to chip at his powers, and why the cost of the exercise may be prohibitive to an Iron Lady leery of relinquishing all the levers of her control and prerogatives.

Interestingly, though, in the face of economic difficulties exacerbated by Ebola, sensitizing, sponsoring and shepherding decentralization through the Legislature is a window of opportunity for President Sirleaf to redeem herself. The economy isn’t going to tick up to its pre - 2012 levels; so there isn’t much she can do, but a lot can be done to ensure genuine participatory democracy through decentralization: it should be her legacy, I would think.

Sylvester Moses at 01:19PM, 2015/01/22.
Sei Destiny
Unfortunately, the insight offered by the writer will fall on deaf ears to those with oversight of our country. I,like many Liberians who have provided proposals that will lead to GDP Per Capita growth, reduction in unemployment and poverty to those closest to EJS, quickly realized that it's only their personal enrichment sought.

No matter how loud the drum of pragmatism and patriotism beats, implementation/augmentation of policies that will create the Liberia we all reasonably seek, will not take effect until God blesses us with the leader we pray for in 2017.

Can you imagine sitting in an office surrounded by government officials, and trying to convince them that building a $100 million renewable energy Power Plant is a terrific idea for our people and country? Majority of the officials in this administration(Executive & Legislature primarily)don't care about ideas that yield a robust and thriving economy, ONLY THEIR CASH.
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